by James F. Keenan, S.J.
On the front page of The Boston Globe I recently found an example of the worst kind of moral argument. It quoted a retired army colonel predicting that to curb a commander’s ability to investigate gay behavior would “devastate cohesion, morale and trust.” This argument against changing policy because it would undermine authority is a commonplace.
Slippery slope arguments, as they are called, are not just invoked in newspapers. We first encounter them during childhood. To understand, then, why they are so called, let me return to childhood and reflect on encounters between parents and their firstborn children.
We (yes, I’m one) would wait as Mom and Dad stood atop the slippery slope and resisted yet again giving us permission to use the car, to stay out later, to go to the party, to hang out with those friends, to take that particular trip, to see that new movie. Other parents gave in to their children, but our Mom and Dad hesitated and regularly refused. Mom and Dad thought it better to err by being cautious than by leniency. We thought otherwise: Mom and Dad worry too much, won’t let us grow up.
Faced with sanctioning our request, my parents feared sliding down the slippery slope of permissiveness and so stood their ground. If they yielded on this occasion, what, after all, could brake their descent? What argument would they have for saying “no” next time? Permissive parents, they knew, slid rapidly through leniency into laxity, finally crossing at breakneck speed the finish line of irresponsibility and recklessness. They knew, too, that my metamorphosis from innocent to wanton depended on their own sure-footedness; but, lacking experience, they trusted the solid ground more than their own untested deftness on the perilous slope.
One, two or three children later, Mom and Dad learned to negotiate the field of permissions and found a moderate course of trust and accountability, of give-and-take. One sibling after another “got away with murder.” We firstborns were convinced of one thing: Mom and Dad went down the slippery slope after all!
Despite the fact that the slippery slope argument is rooted in profound self-doubt, betrays a lack of experience and depicts the future as unavoidably worse than the present, it gets invoked more often than any other form of moral argument. It is cited more frequently than the principles of double effect, material cooperation or toleration, certainly more than “the lesser of two evils” and more than the principles of justice or the common good and probably as much as “the greater good” or the principle of utility. It enjoys great popularity.
Consider the recent round of debates: Concerning the television networks’ proposal to forewarn viewers of violence, the overwhelming reaction from the media was, “Where could this lead? If we issue warnings now, we will have censorship tomorrow. If we voluntarily set limits today, someone else will impose them next year. We have curtailed and threatened artistic expression more than it can stand.” In the midst of these dire predictions driven by alarm over control, few words were uttered by the networks about the amount of violence on television.
Likewise, the military argued against permitting gays in their ranks. A high-level officer fears for his son’s wellbeing. Other officers predict that their soldiers will willfully disregard their orders and threaten to harm, or even murder, their gay colleagues. Others fear taking showers, sleeping in bunks or going to the latrine. Here we have (mostly) men capable of policing the most dangerously destabilized areas of the world predicting a collapse into lawlessness of arguably the most sophisticated military ever to have served in human history. Whether, all things being equal, gays ought to be in the military is really not debated. Impending chaos becomes the issue-a clear example of the slippery slope.
Against the abortion lobby, any moderate attempts to legislate a 24-hour waiting period, a test for viability in a late pregnancy or parental permission for minors have often met slippery slope arguments. Harvard law professor Mary Ann Glendon observes that while many Western European countries have legislated these same measures, the United States, with the most liberal abortion pOlicy in the entire industrial world, remains firm against any modification of Roe v. Wade. These measures, then, are not really the issue. Rather, they are perceived as steps onto a steep chute away from Roe v. Wade.
Finally, like pro-choicers, pro-lifers have long resorted to the slippery slope, and from distant peaks both have so pitched the debate that little ground has been gained (or lost) regarding fetal rights. Can the fetus, or even the embryo, be regarded as a patient, as in many pregnancies both parents and physicians regard them? Some political scientists, like Andrea Bonnicksen, see this as a clear descent onto the slippery slope. She wrote recently: “The embryo as patient runs the danger of personalizing the embryo and further confusing the question of the beginnings of life. It also sets the stage for elevating the embryo to the status of an entity with rights. This restricts experimental protocols and defines the embryo as ill or needy, which in turn creates a new set of medical ‘needs’ for embryo therapy” (“Genetic Diagnosis of Human Embryos,” Hastings Center Report 22.4, [1992] S5-S II). The question about whether the embryo is entitled to patient rights has grave and problematic consequences. Like other users of the slippery slope, this writer wants to scare proponents away from entertaining the question in the first place.
Mom and Dad, the military, pro-lifers, pro-choicers, the media, researchers and a host of others use the slippery slope argument to frighten the opposition. Surprisingly, despite the extraordinary frequency with which it is used, it is usually not successful, simply because those against whom it is used are rarely persuaded by it. Our suspicion of it is rooted in childhood insights: When parents used it, we knew that they would not allow reasonable discussion. Had we known the word, we would have described their position as simply “intransigent.”
We find the slippery slope argument implausible when used against us, but ironically we use it against others as much as anyone else does. When we do, it reveals as much about us as it did about our parents. First, when we use the slippery slope argument we are putting ourselves on high moral ground. Those making a contrary proposal approach us from a lower vantage point. The only people with whom we see eye to eye are those who share the same ground. Convinced that our position is, from our viewpoint, patently self-evident, we talk among ourselves reassuringly.
As Mom and Dad commiserated with one another, so too do the military officers about the gays, the television producers about the censorious parents, the pro-choicers about the pro-lifers. Reinforced by these closed discussions, we view the counter-proposal’s proponents from above, and our act of engagement with them becomes an act of condescension. The proponents, of course, are not necessarily bad or immoral people. They just “don’t understand.” As Mom and Dad responded “Because” when asked “But why?” we likewise assume that our opponents cannot see the manifest merits of our position. Thus, instead of explaining, we predict and take on an air of wizardry in our stance, tone and words.
Second, the proposal’s proponents are often either subordinates or simply outside the field. Not being parents, researchers, television producers, military officers or lobbyists, they lack competence. From that vantage point their proposals appear intrusive. The new proposal is being raised by someone other than the normal rule-makers. They want change in our home, in our military, at our networks, at our research labs, places we run. If the proposal’s proponents find those in authority intransigent, those in authority find the proponents impertinent.
Third, the central threat we perceive is the loss of authority. Our bottom-line fear is not that we will fall into the muck and mire of unethical conduct, but that we will no longer be king (or queen) of the hill. Were we to lose our authority, who would be in charge? Our opponents do not have the training, experience or discretion that we have. Their apparent lack of good judgment and their evident inability to appreciate the demands of leadership make them, in our eyes, incapable of governing. Just what do they know, after all, about embryos, the military or programming? We use the slippery slope argument, then, because we believe that the proponents are unable to see what we do: Their proposal does not simply change a rule, it changes the way we govern.
Fourth, we really do not believe that, given the full picture, our opponents’ interests are that important. The researcher on embryos is interested in curing Alzheimer’s or helping couples become parents; the military wants order and efficiency to carry out its dangerous mission; the pro-choice advocates want to protect against any possibility that women will be treated as objects again; the networks want to depict life as it is–never again “Donna Reed” or “Father Knows Best.” Therefore, embryo rights, gay rights, parental consent, viewer warnings are all more trouble than they’re worth.
Fifth, as Americans we value our individual liberties and we resent any encroachment on the exercise of our prerogatives and responsibilities. Nor will we tolerate bullying. Just as Mom’s and Dad’s “Because” is sometimes no more than an exasperated response to an ever-insistent firstborn, similarly our slippery slope is sometimes no more than an equally tired reaction to constant, willful challenge. In a word, we believe we are entitled to be intolerant and unreasonable when beleaguered.
Sixth, when using the slippery slope argument, we reveal what we cannot ourselves see: The proposal is raised by proponents who see things otherwise. Like the firstborn who believes that it is time for a change, other proponents see the need for new rules precisely because the rule-makers themselves do not. Thus, while those making the proposals do not have the experience of leadership within the field that they are seeking to reform, they do have the experience that prompts their call for’ reform. They are adolescents who want greater freedom, they are parents whose children have too much access to violence on television, they are people who see the fetus as more than a threat to privacy, they are gays tired of being intimidated and compromised .
The slippery slope argument is used by those with power against those seeking reform. At its core it is an authoritarian device designed to dismiss reformers’ proposals as dangerously intrusive into daily operations. It forestalls any discussion and basically operates on the presumption that the only significance the proposal has is the degree of authority it can undermine. Moreover, those who advance the slippery slope argument never consider the reformers as equals. On the contrary, the reformers are children, subordinates, outsiders, uninformed. This stance often engenders an equally hostile response from the reformers who have been stonewalled out of the deliberative process. But, perched above the reformers, those who advance the argument simply repeat their utterances about “the view from here.” That they have missed an opportunity to lead often goes unnoticed. Worse, their intransigence prompts the reformers to abandon any recognition of those in power as having authority.
Good thinkers and leaders often abandon the slippery slope argument and search out a context for discussion. Parents, as noted above, may initially meet their child’s innovative requests with some fear and reluctance. They typically invoke the slippery slope argument to forestall such discussion. Eventually, however, most parents begin to recognize their child as less a subordinate asking for change and more a person growing into responsible self-governing conduct. They may also admit their fear of a loss of authority or of unforeseen consequences. As the occasion for discussion, slippery slope language provides parents with an opportunity to share adult concerns with a growing child.
Likewise, medical ethicists and researchers often ask whether genetics will take us down the slippery slope. The slippery slope enables us to entertain two issues simultaneously. First, what may we reasonably anticipate as the consequences of this course of action? What will we do, for instance, after experimentation on sick people? Will we experiment on our reproductive cells and, in tum, on our progeny? Will we experiment for cosmetic, as well as health-related, reasons? Second, once we engage this course of action, what type of authority will we have to exercise control over our choices? As we begin genetics, will we become so enamored of the engineering that we will be unable to place limits on its use? Will we aHow the wealthy such access to genetics that only they wiJI benefit from it? Thus, the slippery slope language allows us to speculate about consequences and to articulate our fears about the extent of our authority in the future.
The of slippery slope language as an occasion for deliberation differs from its more frequent argumentative use. Rather than being used against a proposal, this language is used precisely to entertain the proposal by anticipating difficult consequences. Second, descriptive language is used to encourage advancement of the argument, rather than to engender fear. When slippery slope language is not used as an argument, it occasions step-taking. Its tone, moreover, is completely modest. Rather than predicting unavoidable disaster if the course of action is taken, it notes the difficulty of forecasting the future and sees its cautions as provisional. In turn, the steps it recommends are equally modest. Alert to possible dangers, this modesty drives the entire inquiry. Moreover, uncertain about the future but believing steps can and ought to be taken, it seeks a variety of advisers and therefore broadens the context for discussion rather than restrict it. Finally, fostering dialogue, it displays within its leadership considerable self-confidence. This leadership promotes the tolerant exchange of proposals precisely by assuming that its own viewpoint is not all encompassing.
Our parents gave up the slippery slope as an argument and instead faced it as a real concern. Could they trust us with responsibility? Would we adhere to the new rules? Would we continue to recognize their authority? Instead of using the slippery slope argument, they developed the habit of talking to us, their children, on a new level, a level occasioned by our requests. In that they taught us then, and again today, that ignoring others remains the worst moral alternative. Moreover, they instilled in us the guideline that those who will be affected by decisions ought to be brought into deliberations whenever possible. Finally, they taught us that dialogue between people of varying ages, competencies and interests can be considerably successful. Through these lessons, they helped us to see how true it is that models for right moral reasoning are found first and foremost in the experienced judgments of parents.
James F. Keenan, S.J., is a professor of theological ethics at Boston College

