徐日昇神父(1645-1708),康熙皇帝
與耶穌會士在華傳教工作

論文摘要

Welcome Address by Artur WARDEGA, S.J. 萬德化

Key Note Address by Paul Rule 魯保祿

徐日昇及康熙朝廷裏的耶穌會士
徐日昇(1645-1708)是生活在北京幷以各種身份爲皇帝及其朝廷效力的耶穌會士之一。從嚴格的意義上來說,出任滿清大員的耶穌會士是鳳毛麟角,更多的是充當內廷職官或皇帝內侍,履行皇帝要求的各種任務。 ► 其中一些耶穌會士當上了皇帝的教師和樂師,因而與皇上的關係更爲親密。與皇上私交最篤的耶穌會士,爲數極少,徐日昇便是一個杰出的例子。本文提出一些理由,旨在說明,在一般情况下,這是爲什麽成爲可能的,而特別就徐日昇而言,這是爲什麽成爲可能的。

Tomás Pereira and the Jesuits of the Court of Kangxi
Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) was one of the Patres Pekinenses, Jesuits who lived in Beijing and worked in various capacities for the Emperor and his Court. Very few were mandarins in the strict sense but rather members of the Inner Court or household of the Emperor, ► performing whatever tasks the Emperor required of them. Some of them became more intimate with the Emperor as tutors and musicians and a very few, of whom Pereira was an outstanding example, became personally close to him. Some reasons are suggested why this was possible in general and for Pereira in particular.

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I. Tomás Pereira: The Man and the Missionary

Presentations & Panel Discussion 1:

ZHANG Xianqing
張先清 ZHANG Xianqing

清代中文史料中的徐日昇形象
葡萄牙籍耶穌會士徐日昇是繼南懷仁之後又一位在清代前期歷史上具有一定影響的天主教傳教士,他不僅在康熙時期天主教在華傳播過程中扮演了比較重要的角色,而且也參與了此時期清廷與俄羅斯勘定邊界談判的活動。 ► 以往學術界在研究徐日昇在華活動情况時,基本上借助的是西方文獻資料,而較爲忽略考察中文文獻方面的記載。實際上,在現存清代中文文獻中,還是保留有一些關于徐日昇的文字記錄。本文的要旨即在于梳理這部分有關徐日昇的中文文獻。通過仔細檢索,我們可以發現,除了《清通典》丶《清朝文獻通考》等清代官府文書中的相關記載外,在卷帙浩繁的清代文集中也留下了不少關于徐日昇的資料,這些資料爲我們考察中文語境中的徐日昇等清初入華耶穌會士的形象提供了難得的視角。

The Image of Tomás Pereira as seen from Chinese Documents during the Qing Dynasty
After the death of Ferdinand Verbiest, S.J. (1623-1688), Portuguese Jesuit Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) became another Catholic priest who continued to have a certain impact on the history of the early Qing Dynasty. ► He not only played an important role in the spread of Catholicism in the Kangxi (1654-1722) period, but also helped the Qing Court to sign the Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689) with Russia. Researches concerning the activities of Tomás Pereira in the past were basically based on Western sources while Chinese sources to some extent were ignored. In fact, there were some records about Tomás Pereira among the existing Chinese documents of the Qing Dynasty. The aim of this paper is to sort out these records regarding Tomás Pereira. We can find that, apart from some Qing official documents such as the 清通典Qing Tongdian, the清朝文獻通考Qing Chao Wenxian Tongkao, there were also some interesting sources about Tomás Pereira among those voluminous collections of literati writings of the Qing Dynasty. Such sources provide a unique perspective for scholars to study from the Chinese context’s point of view the image of Tomás Pereira and other Jesuits.

António SALDANHA
António SALDANHA 薩安東

最後的皇恩:徐日昇神父、南堂及1711年的"歐籍教師頌"
榮譽,特別是皇帝欽賜榮譽,無論其接受者是個人還是集體,在中國文化中都具有家喻戶曉的顯赫作用。作爲個人或集體,耶穌會宮廷神父(Padres da Corte),在順治和康熙年間獲這類殊榮的,或許比任何其他外國人或團體都多。 ► 受到皇帝特別贊譽的,計有湯若望、南懷仁、徐日昇等人。正式的集體榮譽,耶穌會士認爲不是授予他們的,而是异教皇帝爲"愈顯主榮"(ad majorem Dei gloriam)而頒授的,就不多見。1777年,康熙帝决定依1675年成例,爲"葡萄牙教堂"(俗稱"南堂")御筆親書三通含宗教韵味的碑匾。這一隆恩被認爲是葡萄牙傳教團新教堂–徐日昇死後竣工–的落成紀念。在皇帝的資助下,徐日昇于17世紀最後10年到1708年去世期間設計幷監督了教堂的重建工作。繼教宗特使鐸羅出使中國之後、基督教傳教活動遭到挫敗期間,禦題的構思、書寫、迎送、展示及舉行盛大儀式將它們安置于南堂,這一不同尋常的集體榮譽,仍有待于研究基督教傳教史的史學界的關注。與之相對應,不僅欽天監監正明圖率員出席了新教堂的落成儀式,他們還公開展示了一篇"歐籍教師頌"(eulogium of the Europeorum Doctorum),這最終是由皇帝構思幷毫無疑問恩准的。這一特殊的"集體榮譽"同樣值得我們關注。事實上,頌詞的內容,既可視爲中國人對歐洲爲中國"科學"所作貢獻的重要認識,也可看作是康熙皇帝對自利馬竇(包括徐日昇)以來少數耶穌會士爲中國歷代皇帝提供的服務的褒獎。本文的主題,將圍繞著葡萄牙教堂落成儀式的那種最終選擇標準、"科學貢獻"構想以及特殊形勢展開。

The Last Imperial Honors. Fr. Tomás Pereira, Nantang and the Eulogium of the Europeorum Doctorum in 1711
Honours, especially imperial honours, individual or collective, have a well known and distinctive role in Chinese culture. The Jesuit Padres da Corte – as individuals or collectively – were (possibly more than any other foreign individuals or group during the Shunzi and the Kangxi Emperors reigns), ► the beneficiaries of those distinctions. Exceptional and sophisticated imperial honours were granted to Schall, Verbiest and Pereira as individuals. Formal collective honours – assumed by the Jesuits as directed not to them but ad majorem Dei gloriam by a pagan monarch – are less common. In 1711, as he had done in 1675, the Kangxi Emperor decided to give the “Portuguese Church" (vulgo 南堂 Nantang) three calligraphic compositions of religious inspiration. The exceptional grant was supposed to commemorate the inauguration of the new church of the Portuguese Mission, a posthumous accomplishment of Tomás Pereira; under the Emperor’s patronage, he had conceived and directed the works of rebuilding the temple since the last decade of the seventeenth century until his death in 1708. Conceived, produced, carried on, displayed, the gift was installed with an elaborated ritual in the southern church during a period of trouble for the Christian mission, the consequence of Maillard de Tournon’s apostolic legation. This unusual and “collective honour" still waits for the full attention of the historiography of the Christian mission. In parallel, the participation of the highest officials of the Board of Mathematics headed by the 欽天監監正 Qintianjian Jiangzheng, the First President 明圖 Ming Tu in the cortège and ceremony of inauguration of the new church, was exceptional; the public display by them of an eulogium of the Europeorum Doctorum – eventually conceived and no doubt endorsed by the Emperor – deserves also our attention as another peculiar “collective honour". Actually, the text of the eulogium can reveal itself as a significant Chinese conception and formulation of the European contribution to the “sciences" in China; it can also be interpreted as an honourable consecration, authorized by the Kangxi Emperor, of a chosen number of Jesuits: since Matteo Ricci, Tomás Pereira included, they where associated with that kind of services to the Emperors of China. The eventual criteria of that selection, the concept of “scientific contribution" and the exceptional circumstances that, by initiative of the Emperor, surrounded the inauguration of the Portuguese Church are the subject of this paper.

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II. The China Mission in the Time of Kangxi Emperor

Presentations & Panel Discussion 2A:

GONG Yingyan
龔纓晏 GONG Yingyan

康熙 “1692年寬容敕令"與中國基督教的發展
–梵蒂岡教廷圖書館所藏相關中文文獻研究
在梵蒂岡教廷圖書館中,珍藏著一册編號爲Borg Cinese 376的檔案文獻,其中有幾份與葡萄牙傳教士徐日昇 (1645-1708) 及康熙皇帝 (1654-1722) 有關。研究表明,由于浙江省發生了迫害天主教的事件, ► 最終導致了"康熙1692年容教赦令"的産生。18世紀初,中國的許多地方官員就是依據這個赦令,保護了歐洲來華的傳教士。在江西省,地方官員允許購買土地建造教堂,同時禁止當地居民騷擾西方傳教士。在浙江省的嚴州,法國傳教士梁弘仁也獲准購地建堂。在浙江省的寧波,法國耶穌會士郭中傳在市中心建造了一座教堂。在"康熙1692年容教赦令"的保護下,基督教在中國獲得了很大的發展。

The Fruits in the Light and Shadow of Kangxi’s Edict
– a study of some Chinese documents kept in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
In Borg Cinese 376 kept in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, there are some documents about Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) and Christianity in China under Kangxi (1654-1722). This study shows that Kangxi’s “Tolerance Edict" of 1692 was the product of ► the Jesuits’ protest against the anti-Christianity movement in Zhejiang. The Edict was quoted by many local offices to protect the European missionaries in the beginning of eighteenth century. In Jiangxi Province, the missionaries were allowed to buy land to build church, and were not allowed to be disturbed by the provincial authority. In Yanzhou of Zhejiang Province, Artus de Lionne was also allowed to buy land to build a church. In Ningbo of Zhejiang Province, French Jesuit Jean-Alexis de Gollet built a church in the centre of the city. By the documents included in Borg Cinese 376, evidence is given that Christian fruits developed fairly well in the light and shadow of Kangxi’s edict of 1692.

Thierry MEYNARD, S.J.
Thierry MEYNARD, S.J. 梅謙立

傳教士有條件地服務皇庭與漢族士大夫的反抗
1691年,漢族士大夫憂慮著天主教的擴張。他們特別擔心滿洲人能接受外來的天主教而改變國家文化。另一方面,耶穌會傳教士在皇庭已經服務了九十年。雖然他們那時得到了康熙(1654-1722)的私人支持,► 不過,他們的傳教事業從來沒有得到法律的保護。在浙江,大規模的反天主教運動發生,給兩方提供一個機會來鬥爭。地方和中央政府的漢族士大夫嚴格推行過去對天主教的限制,甚至于宣布普遍禁止天主教,而耶穌會士給康熙更多壓力,使他宣布天主教的合法化。這篇文章分析兩方的策略,還有康熙怎麽最終被逼迫表態。

The Conditional Service of Missionaries to the Court and the Opposition
from Han Literati
In 1691, some Han officials were growing worried about the spread of Catholicism. They were especially worried that the Manchus may adopt this foreign religion and change national culture. On the other hand, the Jesuit missionaries had already served the Court for ninety years. ► Though they enjoyed at that point the personal support of the Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722), yet their missionary activities never received legal protection. A general persecution was stirred up in Zhejiang. This gave a long-expected opportunity for the two camps to confront. While Han officials at the local and central levels were pushing for the strict enforcement of previous religious restrictions and even establishing a general proscription, the Jesuits were putting more pressure on Kangxi for legalizing Catholicism. This paper analyzes the strategies of the two camps and how Kangxi was finally obliged to take a stance.

Presentation | Programme | Participants | Abstracts

Presentations & Panel Discussion 2B:

Tereza SENA
Tereza SENA 冼麗莎

“容教令"之後:徐日昇對科因布拉的請求及葡萄牙對赴華傳教士的招募
耶穌會士徐日昇(1645-1708)的政治立場和音樂技能,遠比其傳教理念及布道活動更廣爲人知。 ►

徐日昇對耶穌會在華使團的態度,西方史學界一直强調是對葡萄牙保教權的頑强捍衛,這一點不可否認。然而他既不是孤獨的,因爲有幾位非葡籍耶穌會士同樣采取這一立場,也不是極端的,因爲他追隨的是耶穌會創建初期提出的普世原則和理想。

徐日昇對"禮儀之爭"、中文禮拜(the Chinese liturgy)、本地神職人員及傳教士的招募,更不用說他對教會組織、等級依賴(hierarchical dependence)、後勤支持、教堂的設立及生存等方面的看法,研究得十分貧乏,儘管他在耶穌會身居要職,如北京學院院長(1688-1691)、北京地區副巡視員(1687-1688,1691-1692)、中國副省副會長(1692年6月29日至1695年6月29日)。

在這個語境下,本文將著重探討1692年"容教令"頒布後徐日昇對爲中國和在中國招募傳教士的立場,涉及西方傳教士(尤其是葡籍傳教士)的履歷和他對耶穌會士約20年來對培養中國本地神職人員所做的努力之評估(在此本人不談澳門的案例)。

本文只作一個探索,不求面面俱到,幷以徐日昇的兩封未公開書信爲依據。本人對日期爲1692年6月15日、發往科因布拉學院請求向中國增派葡萄牙耶穌會傳教士的第一封信,作了比較深刻的分析。1693年8月30日寫的第二封信,含有徐日昇對那些傳教士(多爲中國籍)的評價,後來他們在教會的地位均有所提升,成了四品修士和神父(the 4th and last vow)。

After the Edict. Tomás Pereira’s Appeal to Coimbra and the Portuguese
Recruitment to China
The diplomatic talent and musical skills of Tomás Pereira, S.J. (1645-1708) are better known than his missionary ideas, not to speak about his pastoral activity. ►

Pereira’s attitude towards the Jesuit China Mission has been described by Western historiography as an obstinate defense of the interests of the Portuguese Padroado, something that can not be denied. However, he was neither alone – his was a position followed also by several non-Portuguese Jesuits – nor an extremist: after all, he was just a follower of the founding universalistic principles and ideals of the Society of Jesus.

Pereira’s position towards the Rites Controversy, the Chinese liturgy, the native clergy and missionary recruitment, not to speak of the Mission’s organization, hierarchical dependence, logistics, financial funding and survival, among others, are aspects poorly studied. He nevertheless had been entrusted with important responsibilities in the Society of Jesus as Rector of the College of Peking (1688-1691), Vice-Visitor of the Peking sector (1687-1688 and 1691-1692) and finally Vice-Provincial of the Chinese Vice-Province from June 29 1692 up to the same date of 1695.

In this context, this presentation will focus on Pereira’s position towards the missionary recruitment for and in China after the proclamation of the Edict of Tolerance in 1692. This relates to the Westerner missionary’s profile, especially the Portuguese, and Pereira’s evaluation of the results produced by the efforts the Jesuits had been making for about two decades to constitute a native Chinese clergy (the case of Macau is not studied here).

Not aiming to be exhaustive, this contribution is rather exploratory but supported by two unpublished letters of Tomás Pereira. The first, more deeply analyzed, is dated June 15 1692 and addressed to the Colégio de Coimbra, calling for Portuguese Jesuit to be sent for China. The second, written on August 30 1693, contains Pereira’s information on those missionaries, mainly Chinese, who would progress within the Order and be admitted to the fourth and last vow.

HAN Qi
韓琦 HAN Qi

教廷特使多羅來華及其反響 (1706-1710)
爲平息教會內部爭論,禁止祭祖、祭孔,幷希望天主教能在康熙皇帝的庇護和支持下日益發展,1705年,教廷派遣特使多羅(Carlo Tommaso Maillard de Tournon, 1668-1710)來華,► 抵達澳門,這是中西文化關係史上的一件大事。多羅于1705年底抵達北京,既而覲見康熙。教皇對多羅來華期望尤深,但多羅出使不僅沒有達到目的,反而使矛盾激化。1707年6月,多羅及其隨員在官員們的護送下,又回到澳門,失去了人身自由,直至1710年6月病故于囚所。本文將依據中西檔案和文獻,考察多羅在華期間所引起的反彈,教徒對禮儀之爭的看法,與傳教士的互動,以及清廷、官府的政策在各地的反響,對傳教和教徒所産生的衝擊。

Chinese Reactions to Carlo Tommaso Maillard de Tournon’s (1668-1710)
Legation to China (1706-1710)
In order to quiet down the disputes within the Church, to forbid the ceremonies in honor of Confucius and the rites performed in honor of the Chinese ancestors and deceased relatives, and in the hope of expanding the growth ► of Catholicism under the protection and support of Emperor Kangxi, the Holy See sent to China Carlo Tommaso Maillard de Tournon (1668-1710), who, in the capacity of a Papal Legate (he was thirty-seven years old), landed at Macao in 1705. This is an important event in the history of the Sino-Western cultural relations. Charles Maillard de Tournon, arriving in Beijing at the end of that year, had an audience with the Kangxi Emperor (already in his early fifties). Monsignor de Tournon’s visit in China, instead of achieving its intended purposes for which the Pope had placed high expectations on the China trip, sharpened the conflict between China and the Vatican. In June 1707, Monsignor de Tournon and his entourage, ordered back to Macao under the escort of some Qing officials, lost his personal freedom afterwards. He was trapped in a Macao prison until his death there in June 1710. This paper attempts to examine, on the basis of the relevant archives and literature available in China and western countries, the responses caused by Monsignor de Tournon’s visit in China, the views of the Catholic followers on the Chinese Rites Controversy, the Legate’s interactions with the missionaries in China, the consequences caused by the Court and government policies in different localities and their shocking effects on the mission and the Christians.

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III. Tomás Pereira, Science and Mission

Presentations & Panel Discussion 3:

Henrique LEITÃO
Henrique LEITÃO 雷恩禮

徐日昇時代的葡萄牙耶穌會士及科學傳教
儘管耶穌會在華傳教士的科學傳教活動在過去幾十年間業已獲得極大的關注,但葡萄牙傳教士所做的特定貢獻却通常遭到了忽視。這不能不說是一個遺憾,因爲從人數上來說,葡萄牙傳教士是在華傳教使團中的一個較大群體; ► 另一方面,向中國派遣受過培訓的傳教士,也給葡萄牙省的教育體系帶來了意想不到的壓力。近年的研究强調了耶穌會的學院體系及高等院校的長遠性質,幷闡釋了知識在該體系內部的傳播與積累的某些方面。此外,在推動葡萄牙省的科學活動方面,政治形勢也發揮了重要作用。這對在華傳教使命有著重大的影響。本人將在本文中探討這些課題,重點討論徐日昇(1645-1708)的在世階段及其傳教生涯。

Portuguese Jesuits and the Scientific Apostolate during Tomás Pereira’s Time
Although the topic of the scientific activities of the Jesuit missionaries in China has received great attention in the past decades, the specific contribution of the Portuguese missionaries has generally been neglected. This is to be regretted not only because the Portuguese ► were numerically the larger group of missionaries living in China, but most of all because the need to send trained missionaries to China placed unexpected tensions in the educational system of the Portuguese Province. Recent studies have emphasized the long-range nature of the Jesuit network of colleges and learning institutions and have clarified some of the aspects of the transmission and accumulation of knowledge within that network. Furthermore, political circumstances also played a significant part in the shaping of scientific activities in the Portuguese province, an aspect that would have important consequences in the China mission. In this presentation I will address these topics, focusing specifically in the period of Tomás Pereira’s (1645-1708) life and on the career of Pereira himself.

SHI Yumin
史玉民 SHI Yumin

清欽天監衙署位置及廨宇規模考
清欽天監衙署的位置,清代輿圖、方志多有記載。庚子(1900年)後欽天監不在原處,近人也有著錄。但欽天監遷至何處,史書語焉未詳。筆者在翻檢有關文獻時,見到曾任京師大學堂師範館總教習服部宇之吉總纂、 ► 1908年完稿的《北京志》上關于欽天監遷至東四牌樓西的明確記載,從而確定了清欽天監衙署庚子後的位置。清欽天監衙署廨舍情况則鮮見于史,筆者在查閱清檔時,見到乾隆年間工部維修欽天監衙署的奏銷黃册,知清欽天監衙署廨舍一百一十間,其中既有處理日常事務的協政堂、主薄廳、五官廳、憲書房、司書廳、時憲科、天文科、漏刻科;也有收貯書板的板庫;還有祭祀供神的齋戒房、土地廟等。據此筆者弄清了清欽天監的衙署形制、廨宇規模。

Textual Researches on the Position and Construction of the Qing Dynasty Qintianjian Yashu [Qing Dynasty Astronomical Bureau]
The former position of Qing Dynasty Astronomical Bureau (Qintianjian yashu) was recorded in some local chronicles and maps about Beijing. But after 1900 it had been moved to another place. ► The author fixes the latter position of the Qing Dynasty Astronomical Bureau on the basis of historical materials recorded in Beijing Zhi edited by服部宇之吉Hattori Unokichi. In addition, according to Qing Dynasty Gongbu archives, the author clarifies the construction of the Qintianjian yashu which possessed one hundred and ten rooms, including the 協政堂 xiezhengtang, 主薄廳 zhuboting, 五官廳 wuguanting, 憲書房 xianshufang, 司書廳 sishufang,時憲科 shixianke, 天文科 tianwenke, 漏刻科 loukeke for routine, 板庫; banku for storing the book boards and 齋戒房 zhaijiefang, 土地廟 tudimiao, etc., for sacrifice and enshrinement.

Antonella ROMANO
Antonella ROMANO

Defending European Astronomy in China… Against Europe: Tomás Pereira and the Tribunal of Mathematics in 1688

Presentation | Programme | Participants | Abstracts

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IV. Tomás Pereira and the Sino-Russian Negotiations of Nerchinsk

Presentations & Panel Discussion 4:

Peter PERDUE
Peter PERDUE 濮德培

耶穌會士在尼布楚:語言、戰爭與種族身分
俄中帝國的尼布楚談判,牽涉到一大群操不同語言、持不同文化背景及目的的表演者。談判者包括滿人、漢人、俄國人、波蘭人、蒙古人及耶穌會顧問。滿清統治者試圖打造一條固若金湯的邊界,幷阻止俄國與他們的宿敵、 ► 以葛爾丹爲首的蒙古准葛爾部結盟。雖然滿清的漢族臣民對中亞事務缺少興趣,但却支持滿清政府恢復中國秩序的行動。原先只是脅迫西伯利亞弱小部落及走投無路的蒙古可汗進貢的西伯利亞俄國人,此時首次與一個軍力强大和中央集權的亞洲帝國遭遇。所有各方都不得不調整各自的期望,以彌合這些文化上的巨大鴻溝。徐日昇與耶穌會士利用他們的中間人地位,在兩大帝國之間巧妙周旋,在俄中兩國均贏得了影響。尼布楚談判的結果,因他們的影響而成爲歐亞史上的一個轉折點。

The Jesuits at Nerchinsk: Language, War, and Ethnicity
The negotiations between the Russian and Chinese empires at Nerchinsk involved a multitude of actors speaking different languages, with different cultural backgrounds and goals. The negotiators included Manchus, Chinese, Russians, Poles, Mongols, and the Jesuit advisors. ► The Manchu rulers of the Qing aimed to create a secure border and prevent an alliance between Russia and their greatest enemy, the Mongolian federation led by Galdan. The Chinese subjects of the Manchus had much less interest in Central Asian affairs, but supported the Manchu restoration of order in China. The Russians in Siberia had previously only extracted tribute from weak Siberian tribes and disparate Mongolian khans, but for the first time they confronted a militarily strong and centralized empire in Asia. All sides had to adjust their expectations to bridge these large cultural divides. Pereira and the Jesuits skillfully exploited their intermediate position between the two empires to gain influence with both Russia and China. The Nerchinsk settlement was a turning point in Eurasian history because of their influence.

Vladimir Stepanovich MYASNIKOV
Vladimir Stepanovich MYASNIKOV 米亞斯尼科夫

尼布楚談判中的徐日昇
徐日昇(1645-1708)在擔任中俄尼布楚談判清廷代表團成員期間所記的《徐日昇日記》,是非常重要的歷史文件。它被從英語譯爲俄語,幷收錄在1972年出版的《17世紀的俄中關係》第二卷中。它的出版使我們得以比較俄中兩國外交流派的典型特徵。

Tomás Pereira at the Nerchinsk Conference
The Diary of Tomas Pereira (1645-1708), which he wrote being a member of the Qing delegation at the Sino-Russian negotiations at Nerchinsk, is a very important historical document. It was translated from English to Russian and published as a part of the volume two Russian-Chinese Relations in the XVII century in 1972. This publication allowed us to compare the characteristic features of the Russian and Chinese diplomatic schools.

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V. Tomás Pereira and the Music in China

Presentations & Panel Discussion 5:

TAO Yabing
陶亞兵 TAO Yabing

徐日昇(Tomás Pereira)在中國的音樂事迹
徐日昇是一位著名的傳教士,他在中國與歐洲音樂交流的歷史上也是一位有重要影響的音樂家。他以杰出的音樂才能贏得了清朝康熙皇帝的贊許,成爲可以出入皇宮爲皇家子弟教授西方音樂的宮廷音樂教師。 ► 而他用中文撰寫的《律呂纂要》成爲第一部在中國流傳的歐洲音樂教材。他爲中國傳來了系統的歐洲音樂理論,使中西音樂交流史由獵奇進入了一個求知的新階段。

同時,作爲宗教音樂家,他卓有成效地擴展了自利瑪竇貢獻古鋼琴以來西方宗教音樂在中國的傳播渠道。他在北京宣武門教堂建造了龐大的管風琴,而它美妙新穎的聲音和精密的機械構造是當時北京的一個西洋景吸引衆人參觀,其中許多中國文人留下了描寫這架管風琴的詩篇。

On Tomás Pereira’s Musical Writings
Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) is a famous preacher who has had also a great and important impact as a musician on the history of musical exchange between China and Europe. He won the praise of the Kangxi Emperor in Qing dynasty because of his outstanding musical ability, ► a gift for which he could also access into the imperial palace and, as an imperial music instructor, teach Western music to the children of the Emperor.. He wrote the《律呂纂要》Lülü zuanyao [Elements of Music] in Chinese which was the first European musical teaching material spread in China. He brought the systemic European musical theory to China, a fact that made the history of musical exchange between China and the West to enter into a new stage of learning for the sake of seeking novelty.

As a missionary who writes religious music, he also effectively expanded the channels through which Western religious music spread in China, beginning with Matteo Ricci contributing a clavichord. He also constructed a large organ in the Xuanwu Men church of Beijing, the wonderful and novel tones, the sophisticated mechanical structure of which were a Western unusual feature in Beijing that attracted many people. Many Chinese scholars among them left descriptive articles and poems about this pipe organ.

Gerlinde GILD
Gerlinde GILD 戈林德.吉而特

音樂傳教:《律呂纂要》中的西洋音樂漢譯之挑戰
在中國的世界秩序裏,有關音樂及禮儀的重要性,已是著述繁多。自中華文明伊始,音樂與權力就被象徵性地聯繫在一起。和諧的樂音被視爲天籟之聲,而不諧之音則會擾亂整個乾坤。 ► 禮樂代表合法統治,其和諧之聲不僅使權力合法化,而且還可使其保持公正。因此,睿智的君主均特別重視宮廷專用禮樂。引自《呂氏春秋

  • 古樂篇》。

耶穌會士來華之後,很快就認識到了音樂在中國世界秩序中所發揮的重要作用。從一開始起,利馬竇就以音樂作爲與中國統治者對話的語言及工具。

經南懷仁(1623-1688)推薦,徐日昇(1645-1708)被康熙皇帝(1654-1722)從澳門召至北京皇宮。康熙對徐日昇在尼布楚談判中的成功表現印象深刻,複命其教授王子音樂,以確保他們在音樂的各個方面的博學多識。然而康熙重修中國樂系的意圖幷不是不帶政治目的的。爲了講授樂理,徐日昇撰寫了《律呂纂要》,是爲以漢語撰寫的第一部西洋音樂論著。

本文將對這部論著作一個簡介,因爲它不僅證明了徐日昇具有廣博的中文與西洋音樂知識,還反映了他在這一史無前例的跨文化進程中的能力。

Mission by Music. The Challenge of Translating European Music into Chinese
in the Lülü Zuanyao
Much has been written about the eminent role of music and rites in the Chinese world order. From the beginning of the Chinese civilization music and power were symbiotically associated. Correct sounds were believed to be attuned to the sound of the atmosphere. ► Incorrect sounds would disturb the whole system. Ritual music represented the legitimation to rule and its correct sounds legitimated power and kept it upright. Therefore, wise emperors paid keen attention to ritual music, which was reserved for the Court. The locus classicus is found in the Lüshi Chunqiu, chapter guyue.

The Jesuits, who came to China, soon recognized the eminent role of music in the Chinese world order. From the beginning, Matteo Ricci used music as language and medium in the conversation with Chinese rulers.

Recommended by Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) was ordered from Macau to the Palace in Beijing by Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722). Already impressed by Pereira’s successful negotiating in Nerchinsk, he also wanted him to teach music to the princes in order to ensure their comprehensive knowledge (boxue) in all aspects concerning music. However, Kangxi’s intention to revise the Chinese musical system was not without political motives. In order to teach musical theory, Pereira wrote the Lülü Zuanyao, the first tractatus on European music in Chinese language.

In my paper I intend to give a brief introduction into this book, which is not only an example of Pereira’s excellent knowledge of Chinese and European music, but also reflects his competence in this extraordinary transcultural process.

César GUILLÉN-NUÑEZ
César GUILLÉN-NUÑEZ 胡紀倫

徐日昇、北京南堂、南堂管風琴及羅馬天主教教堂建築的引入
北京宏偉莊嚴的南堂,今聖母無染原罪堂,被認爲是第一座建于北京的、具有歐洲風格和重大藝術價值的羅馬天主教教堂。最初由德國著名耶穌會神父湯若望(1591-1666)于1650年建造,後經多次重修。 ►

有關南堂重修的知識非常匱乏,但根據活躍在康熙朝廷(1654-1722)的著名佛蘭芒天文學家、耶穌會士南懷仁(1623-1688)的記述,徐日昇(1645-1708)于該世紀末的干預,是教堂建築的一個轉折點。據南懷仁稱,徐日昇爲南堂添置了一座奏樂自鳴鐘及同樣莊嚴的管風琴,由此幾乎改變了湯若望的教堂。本文將探討有關南堂建築的問題,以及徐日昇的干預帶來的變化,包括他的後來作爲一個洛可可教堂建築風格的特色的大風琴。

Tomás Pereira, the Nantang, its Organ and the Introduction of Roman Catholic Church Architecture in Beijing
Beijing’s venerable South Cathedral, the Nantang–today the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception–is believed to have been the first artistically significant Roman Catholic church to have been constructed in a European style in Beijing. It was originally built under the famous German Jesuit Adam Schall von Bell (1591-1666) in 1650, but was renovated during subsequent decades. ►

Knowledge of the renovated Nantang is scant, but according to the testimony of the Jesuit missionary Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), the famous Flemish astronomer active at the court of Kangxi (1654-1722), the intervention of Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) towards the end of the century was a turning point for the architecture of the building. According to Verbiest, Pereira added a large clock with carillon and an equally impressive organ, thus practically transforming Schall’s church. This paper examines questions related to the architecture of the Nantang, as well as the changes brought about by Pereira’s participation, including his large organ as a feature later to become characteristic of Rococo church architecture.

Presentation | Programme | Participants | Abstracts

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VI. Tomás Pereira, the Court and the Chinese Culture

Presentations & Panel Discussion 6A:

Ku Weiying
古偉瀛 Ku Weiying

徐日昇神父、康熙皇帝及宮廷裏的西人
徐日昇神父(1645-1708)爲康熙帝(1654-1722)內廷最受信任的西人之一,同時也許是最重要的葡萄牙在華耶穌會士。他與其他西人深得康熙皇帝恩寵及信任。在其任職北京期間,康熙帝頒布了著名的"容教令", ► 允許國人皈依天主幷奉行天主教。1692年的容教令是康熙帝對宮廷裏的西方耶穌會士的信任及友好的巔峰,但是後來遭到18世紀初的"禮儀之爭"的削弱。本文將追溯容教令頒布前後的來龍去脉,以及徐日昇神父與其他宮廷裏的西人發揮的作用。本文認爲,儘管"容教令"是湯若望(1591-1666)以來的宮廷耶穌會士長期努力的結果,但是徐日昇神父及其同伴才是容教令頒布的真正最終推動者。

Fr. Tomás Pereira, S. J., Emperor Kangxi and the Court Westerners
Fr. Tomás Pereira, S. J. (1645-1708) was one of the most trusted Inner Court Westerners of Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722) and probably also the most important Portuguese Jesuit in China. ► He and other Court Westerners enjoyed Emperor Kangxi’s favours and trust. It was during Pereira’s Beijing years that the Chinese Emperor Kangxi issued the famous “Edict of Tolerance", allowing Chinese to convert to and practice the Catholic religion. This edict of 1692 was the culmination of Emperor Kangxi’s trust and friendship with the Jesuits Court Westerners; but later on it was undermined by the Rite’s Controversy in the early eighteenth century. This essay’s purpose is to trace the causes of the edict, the events before and after the issuing of the edict, and the role played by Tomás Pereira and other Court Westerners. Despite the fact that the “Edict of Tolerance" had been the result of the accumulated efforts of the Court Jesuits since Adam Schall (1591-1666), it is argued that it was indeed Tomás Pereira and his companions who made the last push for the issuance of the Edict.

JIN Guoping
金國平 JIN Guoping

“情同手足"- 趙昌與徐日昇
趙昌(滿文名爲Chuliama),爲滿族朝臣之子,與康熙帝自幼相伴,後爲康熙內侍,直至皇帝去世。在徐日昇(1645-1708)的一生中,趙昌可謂形影相隨。 ►

對中國史學界來說,因中文史料的匱乏,趙昌這個謎一直未得破解。本文試圖證明,要想認識幷理解這個與康熙的一生及當時的宮廷文化密不可分的人物,以西方語言書寫的耶穌會資料是不可或缺幷極具價值的。

作爲安排年輕皇帝初次接觸耶穌會傳教士安文思(1610-1677)、利類思 (1606-1682)和南懷仁(1623-1688)的關鍵人物,趙昌是認識徐日昇與康熙帝(同時也是清廷中的耶穌會士的保護人,幷對徐日昇在華生涯的所有關鍵時刻進行過干預)之間不同尋常的親密關係的關鍵之一。

Amicíssimos – Tomás Pereira and Zhao Chang
趙昌Zhao Chang (Manchu name: Chuliama), the son of a Manchu courtier, a childhood companion and a member of the inner circle of the Kangxi Emperor (1654-1722) until the sovereign’s death, is a constant presence all along Tomás Pereira’s (1645-1708) life. ►

For Chinese historiography, Zhao Chang is still an enigma that the scarcity of Chinese sources do not help to solve. This paper aims to prove that Jesuit sources in Western languages are indispensable and highly valuable to know and understand this personage that cannot be dissociated of the personal history of the Kangxi Emperor and of the Court culture of the time.

A key person in the first contacts of the young Emperor with the Jesuit priests Gabriel de Magalhães (1610-1677), Luigi Buglio (1606-1682) and Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), Zhao Chang is one of the keys to understand the unusual intimacy of Tomás Pereira with the Kangxi Emperor, being also a protector of the Jesuits in the Imperial Court and intervening in all the relevant moments of Tomás Pereira’s career in China.

Presentation | Programme | Participants | Abstracts

Presentations & Panel Discussion 6B:

Glenn TIMMERMANS
Glenn TIMMERMANS 格列

  • 廷默曼斯

Tomás Pereira – Reflections on His Diary

Eugenio MENEGON
Eugenio MENEGON 梅歐金

康熙的巡幸與耶穌會士:避暑行宮專用科學與藝術(十七世紀八十年代)
本文將比較南懷仁(1623-1688)、張誠(1654-1707)及徐日昇(1645-1708)關于康熙(1654-1722)于1682至1685年間巡幸"韃靼"的記載,幷在"皇帝出巡"、滿族王侯畋獵及康熙的將"科學與藝術"帶至行宮讓朝臣開開眼界的心願的語境框架之內, ► 分析他們的描述。康熙之所以在十七世紀八十年代畋獵時帶上南懷仁、張誠及徐日昇,是因爲他想讓他們在他巡幸塞外時爲他講"科學"及"造樂",幷向他的朝臣展現他們的學識,以及皇帝對那些學識的瞭解。而南懷仁、張誠及徐日昇,則將扈從皇帝出巡看作是皇帝的一種特殊恩典及賞賜,可用來爲自己及傳教團在參與畋獵的王公貴族面前贏得美譽。本文將探討這些進程爲我們講述的滿族宮廷文化,以及非漢人(即歐洲籍朝臣)對那種文化及網絡的參與。

Kangxi’s Imperial Hunts and the Jesuits:
Sciences and Arts for the Summer Retreat (1680s)
This paper will compare the accounts by Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), Francis Gerbillon (1654-1707), and Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) written in 1682-1685 during Kangxi’s (1654-1722) hunting trips in “Tartary", and analyze their descriptions within the context of ► “imperial touring" and Manchu aristocratic hunting, as well as within the imperial desire for “portable science & art" to be displayed to the court during the summer retreats. Kangxi took along Verbiest, Gerbillon and Pereira on his hunts in the 1680s because he wanted them to do “science" and “music" for him while on vacation beyond the wall, and display their knowledge, and his understanding of it, to his courtiers. Verbiest, Gerbillon and Pereira, on their part, took this as a form of special imperial patronage and favor, to be used to gain prestige for themselves and the mission in front of the aristocrats participating in the hunts. The paper will explore what these dynamics tell us about Manchu Court culture, and the participation of non-Han people (in this case, European courtiers) in that culture and networking.

Presentations & Panel Discussion 6C:

Claudia von COLLANI
Claudia von COLLANI 柯蘭霓

從朝廷到天廷:徐日昇的葬禮
從1673年到1798年去世,徐日昇(1645-1708)便一直在康熙(1654-1722)皇帝的宮廷裏效力。因此他得到了一個既含有基督教成分又包括皇恩的特別葬禮。這樣,徐日昇的葬禮便爲提升基督宗教的在華地位(非常重要)做出了貢獻。

From the Earthly Court to the Heavenly Court. The Funeral of Tomás Pereira
From 1673 till his death in 1708, Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) stayed in the service of the Kangxi (1654-1722) Emperor at the Court. As such he received a special funeral which combined Christian elements with the honours given by the Emperor. In this way, Pereira’s funeral contributed to the prestige of the Christian Religion, something so important in China.

YU Sanle
余三樂 YU Sanle

北京"滕公栅欄"墓地的變遷和徐日昇墓碑的遭遇
300年前,1708年徐日昇逝世于北京,安葬于京城西郊的"栅欄墓地"。這最初是明萬曆皇帝賜予利瑪竇的墓地,之後清順治皇帝在其西側賜予湯若望墓地。徐日昇墓葬的位置與南懷仁相當。 ► 300年來,這處西方傳教士墓地幾經變遷,經歷了1900年庚子之變丶1954年遷移和保留丶"文革"之變,1978年得以重建,1984年成爲北京市文物保護單位,2006年成爲國家重點文物保護單位。但徐日昇墓碑却不幸遺失了。2005年,原國家科委主任宋健曾過問過徐日昇墓碑的下落。現在徐日昇墓碑的重刻和複歸一事正在醞釀籌畫之中。

The Vicissitudes of the Portuguese Seminary in Beijing and the Misfortune of the Tombstone of Tomás Pereira
Tomás Pereira was buried in the Portuguese seminary in the western suburb of Beijing after he had died in the capital three hundred years ago in 1708. The seminary, originally granted to Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) as his final resting place by the Wanli Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, ► was later approved by the Shunzhi Emperor to accommodate the tomb of Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1591-1666) as well at its west side. The position of the tomb of Tomas Pereira was close to that of Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1689). In the past three hundred years, the seminary, where many of the Western missionaries took their final rest, has witnessed a plethora of vicissitudes such as the “Gengzi event" or Boxers’ Rebellion in 1900, the relocation and conservation attempts in 1954, the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, and the reconstruction in 1978. In 1984, the seminary became a historic site under the protection of the Beijing Municipal Government, and it was elevated in 2006 to a key historic site under the protection of the national government. But unfortunately, Pereira’s tombstone went missing. In 2005, Song Jian, ex-Minister of the National Science and Technology Commission, asked in person for the whereabouts of Pereira’s tombstone. The re-inscription and restoration of Father Pereira’s tombstone are now under deliberation and planning.